Category Archives: Conference

More on the Russian Idea

Our webinar yesterday on the topic of the Russian Idea was recorded and has now been posted on YouTube, so any of you who missed it and would like to watch it can do so. I’ve embedded a copy below.

During the seminar, I put to the main speaker, Marlene Laruelle, the idea I had developed in my last post: that there was now a possibility of Russia and the West diverging not converging. She had an interesting response: Russia’s rulers don’t want that, she said. If the path to Europe reopened, they’d take it. And they think that it will reopen in due course, because they see the West, including Europe, as deeply divided and heading for a crash. In time, it will split apart, and the way will be open for Russia to come back in.

It fits with what Dmitry Medvedev said recently about Ukraine: Russia just needs to wait, is the logic. I don’t doubt that Laruelle is right when she says that a similar hope exists regarding Europe as a whole. But is it a realistic hope? I tend to the view that institutions like the EU and NATO are quite solid, and unlikely to fall apart as long as I’m on this earth. Russia may end up waiting a very long time.

Anyway, decide for yourself by watching our ruminations on this and other related matters. Enjoy!


Today, I was at the St Petersburg International Economic Forum, where I made a few contacts, looked around the stands (the busiest of which seemed to be that of Kalashnikov), and learnt among other things that St Petersburg is hosting four games in the UEFA Euro championship next year. The very nature of such occasions tends to be positive, as they’re attended by people wanting to do business with one another. Despite all the talk of Russia’s isolation, people of many nationalities were present. And despite the somewhat stagnating nature of the Russian economy, there was a lot of money on display, which contrasted rather with the poorer living conditions of ordinary people which my students and I saw on an outing later in the evening.


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soft power

This week I had the opportunity to attend the first International Forum for the Development of Parliamentarism in Moscow. It was a fairly big show, with about 500 delegates from nearly 100 countries, of whom around 400 were members of parliament and 100 were ‘experts’ (academics and the like). Clearly, the Russians don’t do a thing like this for the sheer hell of it. The forum served a political/diplomatic purpose, namely strengthening contacts with foreign countries and winning friends. In short, it was an exercise in ‘soft power’. I had been asked to make a short 2-3 minute speech, but the session I was meant to do it in ran so much over time that I never got a chance. My own role, therefore, was very much that of observer. But in that capacity, I was able to make a few judgements about how different countries view Russia, what the prospects for Russian soft power are, and how Russia is presenting itself to the world.


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Copenhagen conference

Today I participated in a conference in Copenhagen to launch a book entitled ‘The New Cold War’, edited by Danish MP Marie Krarup and consisting of interviews she conducted with 17 experts about Russian-Western relations.

Marie opened the conference by saying that she hoped it would move discussion of Russia away from stereotypes and demonization. Next up was Danish defence minister Claus Hjort Frederiksen who set about dashing those hopes by stating that Russia had violated international rules and was challenging her neighbours by, for instance, flying military aircraft close to their borders. Mr Frederiksen called for a combination of deterrence and engagement, but ‘from a position of strength.’

I spoke straight after the defence minister. I made three main points:

1. People in the West need to have a better sense of proportion when discussing the Russian ‘threat’. In the Cold War we worried about invasion by massive Soviet forces. Now we worry about Russian Facebook accounts. It’s not the same.

2. We ought to treat many of the exaggerated claims made about Russia with a bit more caution.

3. We need to blame Russia less and think more about our own contributions to the current problems; we can’t, after all, change Russia, but we can change ourselves, so that is where we should begin.

Following me, General Karsten Moller, former Danish military attache in Moscow, argued for a ‘serious dialogue with Russia’, e.g. reviving arms control discussions. He called for a gradual easing of sanctions to test ‘Russia’s willingness’ to engage.

Andrei Kortunov of the Russian International Affairs Council spoke next. He said that current tensions were at worst a ‘Cold War lite’. Despite sanctions, trade was actually growing again, and Russia remained integrated into Europe in many respects. But unlike in the Cold War, there was a marked lack of respect on both sides for one another. This could be seen in the derogatory language used in both Russian and Western media. Kortunov proposed the development of a ‘hybrid political system’ with elements of the Cold War order (such as arms control) combined with new international regimes on matters such as culture, migration, and terrorism.

Former Danish foreign minister Uffe Elleman-Jensen then took the discussion in a more hostile direction, stating that ‘the recent situation is a result of Russia’s behaviour and can only improve if Russia changes its behaviour.’ The West had been weak, he claimed, and this had encouraged Russian aggression.

Finally, historian Bent Jensen noted that the current crisis was ‘artificial’ as neither the West nor Russia truly threatened the other, while both sides had common interests. Jensen explained that modern Russia was not at all like the Soviet Union, and was not bent on world domination, but would not change its policies as a result of Western pressure. Western ‘impudence and lack of understanding have been massive,’ said Jensen, noting that the West had to share the blame for the decline in relations.

Overall, the discussion was well balanced, causing one questioner to ask during the question and answer session why academic debates could be so reasonable but everything always went haywire once politicians got involved. This led onto discussion of the role of lobby groups, the media, public opinion and the like in determining policy.

Ukraine also came up during Q&A, as did recent legislation in Latvia restricting education in Russian. Andrei Kortunov produced perhaps the most memorable line of the day, saying that ‘Kiev wants its lost territory back, but not the people who live there.’

The last word in the conference went to me. Responding to a comment by Uffe Elleman-Jensen about Russian breaches of the ‘rules-based order’ in which the former foreign minister said ‘we need to follow the rules,’ I said, ‘Indeed, we need to follow the rules.’  A spontaneous round of applause ensued.